“Lord Abinger (William F. Scarlett, 3d Baron Abinger, Lt. Col. Scots Fusilier Guards) and group at headquarters, Army of the Potomac” (Library of Congress).

In this letter to his wife Meade sums up his opinions on Hooker and the Battle of Chancellorsville. It is, to say the least, an unfavorable view of Fighting Joe. Meade also talks a bit more about the visit of Lord Abinger. He often had to deal with foreign visitors who came to America with a view to observing military operations.

The battle of Chancellorsville was a miserable failure, in which Hooker disappointed me greatly. His plan was admirably designed, and the early part of it, entrusted to others, was well executed; but after he had assembled his army on the other side near Chancellorsville, instead of striking at once vigorously and instantly, before the enemy, who were surprised, could concentrate, he delayed; gave them thirty-six hours to bring up and dispose of their troops; permitted them to attack him, and after their doing so, failed to take advantage of their error in dividing and separating their forces, but allowed them to engage only about half his army and to unite their forces after driving back a portion of ours. He then assumed the defensive, doing nothing for two days, while we could hear Sedgwick’s guns, and knew they were trying to crush him and must succeed. Finally he withdrew to this side, giving up all the advantages gained, and having to recross with all the obstacles and difficulties increased.

Notwithstanding these are my views, I have abstained from making them known to any one, out of consideration for Hooker, who has always pretended to be very friendly to me. I declined to join Couch in a representation to the President, when he was down here, and I refused to join Slocum, who desired to take action to have Hooker removed. I told both these gentlemen I would not join in any movement against Hooker, but that if the President chose to call on me officially for my opinions, I would give them. I have spoken to no one but Governor Curtin, and to him only because he came to see me and spoke so freely and bitterly against Hooker, that I allowed myself to say a part of what I have above written. I considered my conversation with Governor Curtin private, and did not expect he would repeat it or quote me. I have seen Senators Wade, Chandler, Wilson and Doolittle, all of whom have been down here to find out what they could, but I have abstained from saying anything, as they did not think proper to ask me any questions. Hooker is safe, I think, from the difficulty of finding a successor, and from the ridiculous appearance we present of changing our generals after each battle. He may, and I trust he will, do better next time; but unless he shows more aptitude than in the last affair, he will be very apt to be defeated again. Lee committed a terrible blunder in allowing us to come back; he might have destroyed us by a vigorous attack while we were retreating.

The review of my corps passed off very well yesterday, and Lord Abinger expressed himself greatly pleased. After the review I had a collation at my quarters, which seemed to be equally pleasing to his lordship. He said that if he had time to stop in Philadelphia, he would hunt you up.

Turnbull, who was at the review, showed me a few lines he had received from Proctor Smith, by a flag of truce that went after the wounded. Smith is Chief Engineer on Lee’s staff. He begs to be remembered to you and me. Beckham is major of artillery and commands a battery with Stuart’s cavalry. Smith is colonel.

Meade’s letter taken from The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army, Vol. 1, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 379-80. Available via Google Books.

Meade wrote his letter  of May 17, 1863 to his oldest son, John Sergeant. We hear more about his son George than we do of John Sergeant, mainly because the eldest son’s health kept him out of the military. Over the next year and a half Meade’s letters home to his wife will become increasingly concerned about John Sergeant, because the boy suffered from tuberculosis and would suffer declining health until his death in February 1865.

There is nothing specially new here. We have lost many men by the casualties of the recent battle, and many more since by reason of the expiration of service. In the meantime, the enemy have been largely reinforced from the army recently on the Blackwater. Under these circumstances I don’t see how we can advance without additional troops, and as yet I do not hear of any coming. Still, the talk is that we are to move very soon. Yesterday I went to see General Stoneman and Lieutenant Colonel Smith, to thank them for their kindness to George, which I did, and said a great many fine things on the part of your mother. Stoneman said he was afraid George would have considered him rough and harsh, as he had to change him in a dark, rainy night from a buggy to a wagon, in a great hurry, and had to speak very sharply. I told him that George remembered nothing but his exceeding kindness.

Meade’s letter taken from The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army, Vol. 1, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 376-7. Available via Google Books.

This photograph is titled “Removing wounded across Rappahannock River after battle of Chancellorsville – under flag of truce” (Library of Congress).

This analysis of the repercussions of Chancellorsville bears a small load of historical irony. Meade writes that Hooker “has on this occasion missed a brilliant opportunity of making himself,” which is what Meade’s critics would be seeing after Lee army escaped over the Potomac following Gettysburg. I have to assume that son George’s presence with Stoneman’s cavalry blinded the father to the fact that Stoneman did not perform well at all. In fact, the cavalry’s rather feeble efforts provided one reason why Hooker’s campaign failed. (Young George Meade played a limited role at Chancellorsville, having fallen ill with a severe case of measles.)

Meade’s meeting with Pennsylvania governor Andrew Gregg Curtin will have repercussions later. Meade was free with his criticisms of Hooker when he spoke with the governor and Curtin indiscreetly reported the conversation in Washington, which soon got back go Hooker.

“Forney’s Press” is a reference to the Philadelphia Press, published by John Wien Forney. “During the war, Forney spent most of his time in Washington performing his duties as Secretary of the Senate; entertaining celebrities in his commodious quarters at the Mills House on Capitol Hill; giving some attention to supervising a newspaper property which he had founded there; and contributing letters to the Press under the pseudonym of ‘Occasional,’” noted J. Cutler Andrews in The North Reports the Civil War.

I did not suppose you would credit the canard in the papers about our crossing and Lee’s retreating. This story, however, with minute details, I see is published in Forney’s Press, an Administration organ, that must have known and did know better. It has been circulated for some purpose, and is doubtless considered a great piece of strategy. There is no doubt Hooker assured the President that he would soon cross again and repair all disaster, but I fear he finds the execution of this promise more difficult than the making. The enemy have all returned to their old positions and they have been seen to-day busily engaged throwing up dirt and strengthening all the crossings by additional works, though one would suppose, from the work they had previously executed, there was no room for more.

To-day I had a visit from Governor Curtin. The Governor is very much depressed, and I tried to put him in better spirits.

I cannot write you fully in relation to all the recent operations. All I can say is that Hooker has disappointed the army and myself, in failing to show the nerve and coup d’ceil at the critical moment, which all had given him credit for before he was tried. It is another proof of what a sense of responsibility will do to modify a man’s character, and should be a warning to all of us to be very cautious how we criticise our neighbors, or predict what we would do ourselves if placed in similar circumstances. My only fear is that Hooker, goaded by the attacks that are now made on him, may be induced to take some desperate step in the hope of retrieving his waning fortunes. At the same time, as I have already told you, he was fully aware when he ordered the withdrawal of the army, that he was running the risk, and great risk, of self-sacrifice. For he said he knew his personal interests were involved in advancing. I believe he acted sincerely, and for what he considered the interests of the army and the country, but I differed with him in judgment, and I fear events will confirm my view. I was clearly in favor of tempting the hazard of the die, and letting Washington take care of itself. I am sorry for Hooker, because I like him and my relations have always been agreeable with him; but I cannot shut my eyes to the fact that he has on this occasion missed a brilliant opportunity of making himself. Our losses are terrible; they are said to exceed fifteen thousand men, greater than in any other battle or series of battles, greater than in the whole of the celebrated six days’ fighting before Richmond, and greater than McClellan’s Maryland campaign. This large loss, together with the loss of over twenty thousand nine-months’ and two-years’ men, will very materially reduce this army, and unless it be speedily reinforced will paralyze its movements.

Stoneman’s success was very complete, and his whole operation brilliant in the extreme. The enemy acknowledge he has beaten Stuart, and that the latter’s laurels are faded. Alas, that we should not have taken advantage of his success! As it is, before we can advance or press them back, they will have repaired all the damages Stoneman inflicted on them.

Meade’s letter taken from The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army, Vol. 1, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 374-5. Available via Google Books.

Did Meade really believe there was no possibility that the Administration might elevate him to command of the Army of the Potomac? Perhaps he truly did.

Darius Couch, who commanded the II Corps at Chancellorsville did, in fact, say he would not serve under Hooker. He received command of the Department of the Susquehanna, with headquarters in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. The traces of fortifications, hastily thrown up on hills on the opposite side of the Susquehanna from Harrisburg and named Fort Couch, still remain in the town of Lemoyne. The Camp Curtin Historical Society and Civil War Round Table erected a fine monument there a few years ago.

Darius Couch, who had had enough of Joe Hooker (Library of Congress).

There is a great deal of talking in the camp, and I see the press is beginning to attack Hooker. I think these last operations have shaken the confidence of the army in Hooker’s judgment, particularly among the superior officers. I have been much gratified at the frequent expression of opinion that I ought to be placed in command. Three of my seniors (Couch, Slocum and Sedgwick) have sent me word that they were willing to serve under me. Couch, I hear, told the President he would not serve any longer under Hooker, and recommended my assignment to the command. I mention all this confidentially. I do not attach any importance to it, and do not believe there is the slightest probability of my being placed in command. I think I know myself, and am sincere when I say I do not desire the command; hence I can quietly attend to my duties, uninfluenced by what is going on around me, at the same time expressing, as I feel, great gratification that the army and my senior generals should think so well of my services and capacity as to be willing to serve under me. Having no political influence, being no intriguer, and indeed unambitious of the distinction, it is hardly probable I shall be called on to accept or decline. I see the papers attribute Hooker’s withdrawal to the weak councils of his corps commanders. This is a base calumny. Four out of six of his corps commanders were positive and emphatic in their opposition to the withdrawal, and he did it contrary to their advice. Hooker, however, I should judge, feels very secure, and does not seem concerned. I have no idea what his next move will be. For my part it would seem that all projects based on pursuing this line of operations having been tried and failed, we should try some other route. Yet the Administration is so wedded to this line that it will be difficult to get authority to change.

Meade’s letter taken from The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army, Vol. 1, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 373-4. Available via Google Books.

In his letter of May 8, Meade continues his account of the Battle of Chancellorsville. George is his son, who was serving with the Union cavalry. Other generals shared his disappointment with the army’s commander, Joe Hooker. Rumors of Hooker’s removal from command swept through camp. Generals Couch, Slocum, and Sedgwick all sent word to Meade that they would be happy to serve under him.  I write in Searching for George Gordon Meade: The Forgotten Victor of Gettysburg, “Col. Charles Wainwright, artillery chief of the I Corps, was talking with some fellow officers on May 6; they decided Meade would be the best replacement for Hooker, with Gouverneur Warren as his chief of staff. ‘From what I had seen of Meade during the three days I was at Chancellorsville, and from my previous knowledge of him, I had given him the preference, and was glad to find there were others, good judges, who agreed with me,’ Wainwright noted in his journal.

Alexander Webb, soon to become a brigadier general and later Meade’s chief of staff (Library of Congress).

“Shortly after the battle Alexander S. Webb wrote a letter home. ‘I wish you would tell all, that General Meade was head and shoulders above all out in the field,’ he said. ‘He advised the attacks which were not made, and which would have gained the day. He asked to be allowed to attack with his corps, supported by Reynolds; it was refused. He advised not to fall back. And since this battle he has received messages from three senior generals stating that they would willingly serve under him.’”

When I last wrote I could get no definite information of George’s whereabouts, but to-day Captain Newhall has returned to headquarters and reports the cavalry all back across the Rappahannock, except two regiments that continued on and have arrived at Yorktown, having succeeded in destroying several bridges on the railroads from hence and Gordonsville to Richmond. Unfortunately our withdrawal across the Rappahannock will prevent advantage being taken of the cavalry success, as they will now have time to repair damages before we can get at them again.

Just after closing my letter yesterday I was summoned to headquarters, where I found the President and General Halleck. The former said he had come down to enquire for himself as to the condition of affairs and desired to see corps commanders. He and Halleck spent a couple of hours, took lunch, and talked of all sorts of things, but nothing was said of our recent operations, or any reference made to the future, nor was any corps commander called on for an opinion. The President remarked that the result was in his judgment most unfortunate; that he did not blame any one—he believed every one had done all in his power; and that the disaster was one that could not be helped. Nevertheless he thought its effect, both at home and abroad, would be more serious and injurious than any previous act of the war. In this I agree with him; and when it comes to be known that it might and should have been avoided, I think the country will hold some one responsible. My conscience and record are fortunately clear. I opposed the withdrawal with all my influence, and I tried all I could, on Sunday morning, to be permitted to take my corps into action, and to have a general battle with the whole army engaged, but I was overruled and censured for sending in a brigade of Humphreys’s, which I did in spite of orders to the contrary. General Hooker has disappointed all his friends by failing to show his fighting qualities at the pinch. He was more cautious and took to digging quicker even than McClellan, thus proving that a man may talk very big when he has no responsibility, but that it is quite a different thing, acting when you are responsible and talking when others are. Who would have believed a few days ago that Hooker would withdraw his army, in opposition to the opinion of a majority of his corps commanders? yet such is absolutely and actually the case.

My corps did not have much of a chance. On Friday, Sykes’s division had a very handsome little affair, in which his command behaved very well and gained decided advantages, driving the enemy before them; but Sykes was recalled just as his advance was successful. In the evening he repelled an attack of the enemy. On Sunday, Humphreys’s two brigades were engaged, creditably and successfully, and on Monday a brigade of Griffin’s was sent forward to engage and feel the enemy’s position, which duty was successfully accomplished. The heavy fighting, however, of Saturday and Sunday was done by Slocum, Couch and Sickles, particularly the latter, whose losses are greater than any other corps, unless it be Sedgwick’s, which suffered very severely in his attempt to attack the enemy from Fredericksburg.

I have been a good deal flattered by the expression of opinion on the part of many officers, that they thought and wished I should be placed in command, and poor Hooker himself, after he had determined to withdraw, said to me, in the most desponding manner, that he was ready to turn over to me the Army of the Potomac; that he had enough of it, and almost wished he had never been born. Since seeing the President, however, he seems in better spirits, and I suppose, unless some strong pressure is brought to bear from external sources, he will not be disturbed. Hooker has one great advantage over his predecessors in not having any intriguer among his subordinate generals, who are working like beavers to get him out and themselves in.

For some reason or other they have prohibited bringing newspapers to camp, so that I am completely in the dark as to public opinion.

Meade’s letter taken from The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army, Vol. 1, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 371-3. Available via Google Books.

“The troops on the center 3rd & 5th Corps repelling a rebel assalt [sic]–Sunday May 3rd 1863″ by Alfred Waud (Library of Congress).

I reached here last evening, fatigued and exhausted with a ten days’ campaign, pained and humiliated at its unsatisfactory result, but grateful to our heavenly Father that, in His infinite goodness, He permitted me to escape all the dangers I had to pass through.1 The papers will give you all the details of the movement, so that I shall confine myself to a general account of my own doings. General Hooker’s plan was well conceived and its early part well executed. It was briefly thus: A portion of the army were to make a forced march, cross the Rappahannock so high up as to preclude opposition, cross the Rapidan at the lower fords, drive away the defenders of the works placed at the crossings of the Rappahannock nearest to Fredericksburg, and when one of these was opened, the rest of the army was to join the advanced corps, be concentrated, and push the enemy away from Fredericksburg.

I have advised you that on Monday, the 27th ulto., my corps, the Fifth, together with the Eleventh and Twelfth, left camp and reached Kelly’s Ford on the 28th. That night and early next morning we crossed the Rappahannock, the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps moving on one road to Germanna Ford and I on another to Ely’s ford, of the Rapidan. These fords were reached and crossed by the evening of the 29th. On the 30th we advanced and concentrated at Chancellorsville, a small place on the plank road from Fredericksburg to Gordonsville, and distant some ten miles from Fredericksburg. In this movement we uncovered the United States ford and established communication with our left wing opposite Fredericksburg; thus far the movement was successful. On the 1st inst. two more corps were brought over to Chancellorsville, and the Fifth and Twelfth corps advanced from Chancellorsville towards Fredericksburg; but just as we reached the enemy we were recalled. On our retiring the enemy attacked Sykes’s division of my corps and we had a smart fight till dark. The next day, May 2d, the enemy attacked in force, and after a day’s hard fighting, owing to the bad behavior of a portion of our troops, the Eleventh Corps, we had to fall back and draw in our lines.

I ought to have mentioned that, simultaneously with our crossing the Rappahannock above, Sedgwick and Reynolds crossed below Fredericksburg, and after occupying the attention of the enemy, so soon as we were established at Chancellorsville, they were withdrawn, and Reynolds joined us on the 30th. When the force of the enemy was perceived, Sedgwick was ordered to recross at Fredericksburg and attack in their rear, which he did, on the 2d inst. On the 3d we had a very heavy fight, in which we held our own, but did not advance, awaiting Sedgwick’s operations. On the 4th remained quiet, and in the evening learned that Sedgwick was held in check by superior forces, and his position critical. The enemy not attacking us on the 5th, as we hoped, and finding him too strong to attack without danger of sacrificing the army in case of defeat, Hooker determined to withdraw to this side of the river, which we did without pursuit, on the night of the 5th.

Meade’s letter taken from The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army, Vol. 1, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 370-1. Available via Google Books.

An 1865 photo shows skulls that still remained on the Chancellorsville battlefield, a grim reminder of what had happened here (Library of Congress).